The Far Right
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What's Right is what protects us while diversity dilutes us.
It means no single word is airtight. Such a debate focuses on Extremism as the most appropriate noun. However, whatever it is, it is on the rise, mainly in Europe and the United States. On both sides of the Atlantic, its engine is primarily powered by Race and Immigration. They are the two main factors that target passion. Both are constantly in the shadows of all their policies, even though their demagoguery and rhetoric do not admit it. This article will focus on its multi-dimensional approaches, causes, popularity, excesses, effectiveness, and, arguably, its perceived eventual failures.
Italy, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Holland, and the United States, besides other European countries, the young and old are embracing its offerings. Traditionalists and the young who feel let down are attracted to the Far Right for different reasons. A trend has grown from a mix of social factors that have ignited the passions and discontent with those who govern and the overall liberal policies. Special aim at the Elite in government and the private sector, blamed for the economic divide that increasingly widened between the haves and the have-nots.
The aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008 left many in Europe with economic insecurities, and the austerity measures governments had to put in place, many felt abandoned by traditional parties, such as the establishment. Stagnant wages and rising living costs, often blamed for globalisation, created fertile grounds for the Far Right movements. The movements promised protection from trade competition, mainly from China and with it national prioritisation. Grievances arose from deindustrialisation, and the decline of manufacturing jobs meant many families went without, economically feeling sidelined. The free market globalised system, neoliberalism heralded, I argue, should not be the only factor contributing to deindustrialisation. Many other factors contribute to the decline in manufacturing jobs: tech innovation, such as AI automation, declining demands, social change, lack of skill training, lack of productivity, and the glaring absence of innovation. However, the target was the $1 'T' shirt, which never materialised. The Far Right capitalised on this by offering simple solutions, blaming immigrants or foreign powers rather than concentrating on complex structural shifts. Many young voters are in despair, faced with bleak economic prospects, and disolusioned with progressive promises that have swung to the Right. Blaming the downsides is an easy option.
Indeed, Immigration is also a major driver for the rise of the Far Right. Conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, and Iraq saw millions fleeing from their countries and coming to Europe in the hope of a better life. Mexicans fleeing North to the US for the same reason – economic migrants. Countries like Germany, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom saw the Far Right parties like the Alternative fur Deutschland (AFD), Brothers of Italy, National Rally in France and Ukip in Britain gained grounds by framing Immigration as a threat to national sovereignty and social cohesion and as we constantly reminded of "America First", policies from across the Atlantic. The perception across all regions was that immigrants take jobs or erode traditional values, even when figures show unemployment is low or migrants mostly fill labour gaps.
Distrust in the establishment and the political elites in Europe and the US, meant the EU is seen as a bureaucratic machine no longer in tune with the public it is supposed to serve. Again, the Far Right has tapped into the trend of Euroskepticism, advocating border controls and introducing laws to curb the open borders policies and migration quotas. The Far Right has promised to dismantle the establishment and voiced their beliefs that parties of the left and right have failed to address ordinary people's concerns.
Another facet the Far Right has taken on board is cultural anxieties and the rapid social changes around gender norms, multiculturalism and secularism. The movement emphasises that people's traditional way of life is under siege. The Duch party for Freedom and Spain's Vox push back against "woke" ideology or the Islamisation of Christian societies, striking a note with voters who feel the loss of a cherished past. In America, the Far Right sees itself as a defender of traditional values against progressive issues like race, religion or sexuality, and social media has turbocharged these narratives.
But of course, there is snake oil in all of this, nothing is quite what it seems. Curtailing Liberalism can often be seen as controlling and authoritarian. The Far Right come in with a heavy dose of control that can often feel at odds with the freedom they claim to champion. Take, for instance, Immigration. It is not only closing borders. Deportation means family separations and in America, it also means ending birthrights. Their cultural agendas could also include banning books in schools, dictating what teachers can say about history or gender, and pushing Christian nationalism into law. They punish platforms for being too liberal, dismantling their hands-off approach to hands-on control and redirecting it toward their vision. They control and restrict ideas on diversity and cosmopolitanism, seeing both as eroding national identity and seeing both actions as necessary correction. They cry for a firm hand to reform society to correct these downsides. Little do they realise they are swapping one dogma for another and meddling with people's personal lives, from abortion bans to policing speech. Replacing one set of shackles for another is not the remedy most people envision as a remedy for the pain and grievances they suffer.
In the US, however, there is a special case of the historical concept of Manifest Destiny embedded in ideas of racial discrimination and white supremacy. It is not a side effect, but it is baked into the framework for the Far Right since it has given the movement a sharp edge and complicates any defence of it as just an economic or anti-neoliberal push. America is a white Christian nation, and anyone else is an interloper: "build the Wall" isn't just about jobs and "you will not replace us" chants do not go amiss tying racial purity to national identity. White domination is the default. The war is on for fighting the possibilities of a "majority-minority" American nation projected in the recent US census, which suggests for the year 2045. Incidentally, Birmingham and Leicester are among the cities in the UK that are in this category. Manifest Destiny whispers that cosmopolitans are rootless and US greatness hinges on a unique racial core. In effect, the Far Right economic nationalism doubles as a cultural fortress. Looking back on when an immigrant knows his place is not idle thinking. Race is a dominant factor in the minds of supporters of the Far Right in America and in Europe.
Moreover, the obsession with Immigration is not about numbers or laws but about who is coming. The panic over replacement or invasion doesn't hit the same note when Spanish or Italians cross the UK border or Canadian or British cross into US borders, but it's laser is focused on non-whites, Muslims or Africans. Waving the English or the Confederate flags is not random but aimed at racial hierarchy. Race is not the upfront sales pitch; it's lens keeps their coalition cohesive. The Right thrives on ideas of us versus them. Immigrants are the perfect spark, and it's easy to spin into a threat. Whether "they are taking our jobs" or "they're changing our culture". You can shout out "tax cuts" or trade deals until you are blue in the face; they don't have the same appeal as "they are coming for us". Pivot is too far from such thinking, and the Far Right would be no more than any other party.
But, it is not just about race, as I mentioned earlier, the rage is also about jobs, insecurities and bureaucracies. The corporate Elite had not got stuck with shuttered factories because of globalisation or sensed that the elites rig the system. They raked in billions while tweeting about "freedom". In America, it was about draining the swamp, the Right latched on. It is a headscratcher when you have the inner circle billionaires cleaning the swamp when they are the swamp. They are sweeping one set of Elite for another. It is a contradiction that should collapse under its weight. But with Far Right supporters, passion will still trump logic even if the billionaires are holding the megaphone screaming, "Globalisation has betrayed you". Who is protecting whom, I ask or are the billionaires protecting themselves? Many of Trump supporters, however, still believe the system is screwing them, and those clique billionaires casing themselves against bureaucracy are their saviours. Little do they realise the billionaires are not dismantling the system but redirecting the profits. Europe's right-wing surge isn't a millionaire's club, it is more about populist politicians seizing the microphone, especially with their loud anti-immigration drum beat. Though Immigration is the loudest, the disease they diagnose in all cases is a loss of national identity and sovereignty.
The erosion of reason and moderation, and a lack of education is widespread, allowing few puppeteers to hold the strings. The Far Right passion-driven soundbites "build the wall" and "take back control" thrive. Critical thinking is slipping in favour of TikTok brain rot. The Far Right turn the economic frustration into emotional crusades with the help of the instant gratification culture and the tribal following on X, formerly known as Twitter. Thinking is proving too challenging, reason is out, and rage is in everywhere with populists surging ahead.
And, the war on diversity is not different; for many, it flows naturally from fairness, inclusion and human dignity, but ramming it is proving to be the cornerstone of the Far Right world view. The Far Right don't see diversity as a moral right but as a threat. Their thinking hinges on the idea that societies should be cohesive, which means sameness. They see racial, cultural or religious differences as cracks in the foundation, not strengths. If everyone is included, the white Christian loses its grip. Their moral code is for loyalty and tradition over universal equality. What's Right is What protects us, while diversity dilutes us. Morality is about defending heritage; it is about preservation, not pluralism. The Far Right reject diversity, fearing it as the Trojan Horse that betrays it. Many of the Far Right supporters would not agree, so they cherry-pick at any narrative where they find uniformity equals strength. In America, they dress up in holy jargon, thumping the Bible and "God save America" is their saving grace, more of a crusade for their tribe to lap up.
What strikes me the most is the Far Right, led mainly by a one Man show aimed at destroying Liberal Democracy, "My Way". Trump in America, Farage in the UK, Marine Le Pen in France, and Giorgia Meloni of Italy are very clever in turning rage into reign; they have a knack for turning chaos into control. Farage in the UK is a one-person hype machine—Reform's current 26% polling (February 2025) rides his vibe. Trump's "build the wall" or "drain the swamp" or Farage's "stop the boats aren't debates; they're slogans that stuck. They are more like tribal chiefs than politicians, less about dogma and more about what wins now. This one-man-show style—charisma, defiance, simplicity, tribalism, opportunism—thrives because it's personal, not procedural. When they fade, the show wobbles. It is not just about "I am right", but "you are wrong".
Resistance can be positive in many ways, but it needs to be progressive. I struggled to find positive or innovative ideas for racial and social harmony or solutions that could lead to the pacification of multiculturalism and integration or quelling the rage. Finding scapegoats for a fragmented society is easy to find, but changing the model of society can be more challenging. Economic protectionism, such as imposing tariffs on imports, can have short-term benefits. However, a study found that the US economy is approximately $200 billion negatively impacted by tariff imposition during Trump's first term. The IMF found that a 10% increase in tariffs can lead to a 1.2% decrease in global GDP. It also disrupts supply chains and likely triggers retaliatory actions. While strict immigration aiming to protect jobs and housing and preserve cultural identities might reduce competition for wages, it increases wages and lowers tax revenues, labour supply and innovation. While it is plausible to implement protectionism, the evidence leans toward protectionism as being unsustainable in the long term, as it can stifle innovation and economic growth, contradicting the Far Right's goal of financial security for the working class. Whereas cultural nationalism and exclusion in preserving the dominant cultural identity can foster a sense of community and belonging, the latest study finds that cultural diversity promotes innovation and economic growth. At the same time, homogeneity can lead to groupthink and reduced adaptability.
In conclusion, as I see it, we live in a world of ideas. A look at Silicon Valley in California indicates a revolution of innovation as significant as the nineteenth-century Industrial Revolution. The Far Right is spearheading its cause with twentieth-century tools to remedy the malady of the twenty-first century. It needs to revolutionise itself with new ideas for growth and innovation incorporating universal values. When does the demolition end and the construction start? Setting out success criteria in public services, productivity, equity, and innovation, and setting policies to better model people's world. But for now, its familiar anti-slogans are winning. Taking pointers from what is currently happening in America leads to a frightening scenario. Warping laws, courts, and anti-democratic values that filter down to local councils are the flashing red lights, a picture of the brutal past many of us have seen before or heard or read about. What is happening is that there is a blueprint of what is possible, not what is probable. The frightening bit is how much of this snowballs. As with AI development, we need an army of chips to improve the institutional barriers. There needs to be a before and after. Rage, anger and passion are not the drivers for ideas or engines of transformation.
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