Sunday, 29 January 2023

Human Rights in retreat

 



Eighty years ago, Winston Churchill declared one aim of the Second World War to be the ‘enthronement of human rights’. Within a decade, the United Kingdom led international efforts to draft a non-binding Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), and shortly after, negotiations concluded for the European Convention on Human Rights (1950). These two instruments opened the door to a new international legal order, one that placed the protection of the individual at its heart and set limits on the actions taken by states and their governments. The European Court in Strasbourg was created to provide enforceable safeguards against abuses of public authority. Despite many sceptics to such ideas and the spread of exceptionalism around the globe, I argue here that human rights must be universal and that equality before the law and access to justice together ought to form the backbone of a liberal democratic state.


The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10, 1948, embodies the broadest consensus of contemporary civilisation on human rights. It gives recognition of the inherent dignity and equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family, which is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world.  Many of the countries that have signed on need to pay more attention to the significance of this comprehensive declaration, not translate it to suit their culture and use it as a shield against what it stands for. 


The forgotten Uyghur people in China



So, what are Human Rights? Human rights are fundamental rights and freedoms that every person in the world should have. Human rights are norms that aspire to protect all people everywhere from severe political, legal, and social abuses. Examples of human rights are the right to freedom of religion, the right to a fair trial when charged with a crime, the right not to be tortured, and the right to education. A call on courts and citizens to fully and faithfully protect everyone's rights, regardless of race, colour, religion, sex, or national origin. There must be a presumption of innocence. The state must prove guilt, not the suspected person, to prove innocence. People should not be coerced into confessing to a crime or giving evidence against themselves. Exercising the right to silence should not be used as evidence of guilt or a reason to place them in pre-trial detention. Human rights are deserved justice that protect the individual's right to enjoy life as he or she pleases. To suppress the freedom of choice, be it culture induced by the state, is a violation of human rights or tyranny; a vicious act to mask concern for human dignity. Rights also define the claims that one legal subject could legitimately make against another to protect their person, property, business, reputation, and interest or to compel another to live up to their contracts, promises, and other obligations.


The large-scale protests in China are not just a response to Covid restrictions but about fundamental human rights, including freedom of speech. They follow weeks of demonstrations in support of women’s rights in Iran.


In this essay, I tackle several themes and ask whether Human rights are universal and whether democracy and the rule of law can stand without respect for human rights. In that context, I ask questions about the existence, content, nature, universality, justification, and legal status of human rights against an almost universal moral code. A shared moral norm of human moralities enshrined in Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Confucianism, and Buddhism. 




With that in mind, cultural exceptionalism by civilised bearers of responsibility and States is a misdemeanour, and those who practice it lean on morally hollow legal justification and fail in their ethical duties. It is unfortunate if Human rights become unavailable within any jurisdiction or group of people. Without respect for human rights and the right to life, a country ceases to be democratic. The rule of Law, Democracy, and human rights are intertwined, where neither religion nor ideology has a place. Ignoring the conception of democratic rights runs against the grain of an intrinsic desire in every one of us to be free.


However, although rights and liberties have been part of tradition since biblical and Roman days, many theologians and philosophers today view rights with suspicion, if not derision. And since Human Rights are generally believed as a social construct, they are not natural. Around the world, there is tension between religious freedom and sexual freedom in modern liberal democracies. Many religious critics view rights as a dangerous invention of Enlightenment and post-Christian liberalism, predicated on a celebration of reason over revelation, of greed over charity, of nature over scripture, of the individual over the community, of the pretended sovereignty of humanity over the absolute sovereignty of God. These scholars call for better ideas and language to emphasise core virtues like faith, hope, and love and goods like peace, order, and community.


When the State positions itself as the keeper of religious scriptures, it must adapt for its citizens' benefit and comply with the rules. In contrast, they must reconsider local cultural exceptionalism, traditions, and tribal customs. Despite their antipathy toward the whole human rights system and the Rights of the individual, they must move away from the exceptionalist view that this system of individualism corrodes social cohesion. To reject these ideas is to erode social customs and traditions, and to adopt an unsustainable position once the individual ceases to be subordinate to the group and commits to shared values toward a common culture. The exception is not to be an individual.




While others reject the concept of natural rights altogether, arguing that only positive legal rights are real. They also believe moral right is objectively real, but ineffective unless translated into positive law terms. They are dismayed by abstract and universal rights declarations — like the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizens (1789), the United States Bill of Rights (1791), or the Universal Declaration of Rights (1948) and their many progenies. They believe these grand rights documents have encouraged citizens and authorities, lawyers and judges alike, to invent all manner of untethered rights claims, upsetting long cultural traditions in so doing.


There is no denying, of course, that human rights can only be legal rights. I argue that the wrong occurs when the constitution that anchors that legality is warped or contradicts moral norms, making dissent punishable by an ideologically induced law. This is where human rights are governed by ideologically inspired ideas transcending the rules of a covenant to which they are signatories. Since it is arguably a social construct, its suitability to one society may differ from that of another. This creates an opportunity for some states to decouple from the Human Rights Convention. Here, we enter a minefield of contradictions. First, what makes a law ideologically inspired? Where does that law fit when that ideology conflicts with other ideologies inspired by ‘norms’ within the different cultures of the same society? The struggle for freedom exists in every culture. I am also considering the contrast between the USA and Iran or Afghanistan, for instance. Is the Electric Chair less humane than stoning a woman to death? Both deny the right to life by lawful execution. We will get to that later.

The plight of the discriminated Uyghur community in China 

Many states reject Western-sponsored ideas of freedom. Nevertheless, people have human rights regardless of whether they are reflected in the practices, morality, or law of their country or culture. And like many Western states, and for practical reasons, countries around the world are free to impose several qualifications on ideas of universality. First, the right to vote is held only by adult citizens or residents and applies only to voting in one’s own country. Second, a person convicted of a serious crime may be denied the human right to freedom of movement. Third, some human rights treaties focus on the rights of vulnerable groups such as minorities, women, indigenous peoples, and children. Also, in cases like the UK Bill of Rights today, the right to protest, dissent, and demonstrate applies only to peaceful protest and does not extend to violence, damage, or wilful obstruction of motorways. In other words, Human Rights are not absolute or for any one culture to monopolise.


Asylum seekers, Refugees, or immigrants



The new Bill of Rights aims to replace the Human Rights Act 1998 in line with Brexit ideals. It is arguably designed to "help prevent trivial human rights claims from wasting judges' time" and to make clear that UK courts do not always need to follow European court decisions. However, public consultation found people were "overwhelmingly against the proposals", with victims of violence against women, care home residents, and those whose family members have lost their lives due to the actions of the police among those raising concerns. The reforms would undermine the universality of human rights by making it more difficult for certain groups to bring cases. Also, it contains clauses that make it easier to deport foreign criminals. The intention is to ensure a proper balance between individual rights and effective government, in line with British common law traditions, and to reduce reliance on Strasbourg case law. For the record, a refugee, conventionally speaking, is a person who has lost the protection of his or her country of origin and who cannot or is unwilling to return there because of a well-founded fear of persecution. Such a person may be called an asylum seeker until granted refugee status.


Exceptionalism goes even further.  The Taliban in Kabul, Afghanistan, demand to be left alone to implement their own religious and cultural values at home without foreign interference. Leaders in Kabul insist on not being judged by the norms of others --especially in the West. When America's Western allies tell it that the U.S. capital punishment system is barbaric, local politicians and courts reply that it is their way and no one else's business, precisely what the Taliban says. The United States insists, for example, on the right to execute persons who committed crimes as minors. Never mind that this violates U.S. obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It is the American way, representing American values and ethics. Many other countries, such as Egypt, Sudan, Turkey, and China, practice a variety of cultural exceptionalism, some more exaggerated than others; such was the case in South Africa's system of Apartheid as is today alleged in Israel.

Pakistan Arrests “11th Imam of Islam” Under the most stringent laws in the world
and carry a possible death sentence



On the other hand, the safety net created by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights treaties setting out civil, political, cultural, and economic rights, as well as the rights of children, women, ethnic groups, and religions, made no room for cultural exceptionalism. In my opinion, wavering ideas of what is Right for you is not right for us; runs unsteadily towards injustice since the freedom of an individual is inalienable. The challenge now is to create a globalised culture that universalises the idea that human rights drive decision-making and overcomes false beliefs that their provisions weaken state sovereignty. On the contrary, Human rights, democracy, and the rule of law create an environment in which countries can promote freedom, protect individuals from discrimination, and ensure equal access to justice for all. Freedom is a natural desire, but for many, freedom is a struggle, divorced from understanding what it is to be free, to have no fear.


With freedom, however, comes responsibility, and in this modern digital age, control of the internet is an essential part of the universal order. It ensures the rights of all concerned while protecting children from harmful influences. Surveillance and regulation of the internet are an added part of the Bill of Rights I referred to earlier. One method is Artificial Intelligence (AI). However, using this method may erode individual freedoms and human judgment through automated control. Human rights remain central to what it means to be human. Governments need to ensure they are used as shields, monitoring what can be harmful and overseeing accountability and remedies for any breach of those standards. Protecting us in the digital age will determine whether the internet liberates us, not enchains us. Action to control harm neither constrains freedom nor encroaches on privacy.  


Women have been stripped of the Right to be a Woman.


In conclusion, I believe the government’s à la carte approach to human rights would not do and would not sustain a democratic system. Policing Human Rights does not create authoritarianism but ensures a balance with the Rights of every individual. Obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights ensure that these rights continue to be upheld by the State’s Rule of law, as set out in the Convention. This moves away from shared ideas of conformity versus autonomy and builds an interrelationship within state society in line with democratic values. Democracy is a universally recognised ideal based on shared universal values, irrespective of cultural, political, social, and economic differences. Alongside its core values of the Rule of Law and equality before the law, it preserves and promotes the dignity and fundamental rights of the individual. Sadly, Human Rights are in retreat; seeking utopia is not real. The widespread exceptionalism, discrimination, torture, and abuse of the individual are increasing in this ever more turbulent world.  


According to the United Nations Human Rights Council, the situation is so desperate for Afghan women that they commit suicide at a rate of one or two a day.







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