The heart and
mind of Lebanon
By
Freddie
Oufi
(08/10/2012)
There is a strange but affectionate regards towards
Lebanon amongst some Iraqi circles that can at times, even rival the culturally
acquired love of our immediate community.
What follows is a broad view and with a certain degree of impartiality,
I shall try to examine the present state of Lebanon and where and in what state
it might eventually rest in the distant horizon of Middle East socio-political
agenda. It is inevitable, however, that I
examine its role within a religious as well as its political delineation within
the larger orbit of international relevance.
Its socio-economic dependence on tourism vis-à-vis the Arab Muslim world and question the importance
of the inextricable role of Christian political parties have within the
Lebanese parliamentary government structure in a sea of Islamic religious
fervour.
Legend has it that the Ancient Greeks when landing
on the shores of Sidon, Lebanon, weren’t exactly enamoured by its sandy
beaches. There was, however, one exception
they did like; Europa! A Phoenician
princess, she was abducted for her sheer breath-taking beauty and given the
honour of a Moon Goddess. Paris, her
brother, was soon in pursuit looking for his beloved sister. Instead his search was side-tracked by his
attempt to teach the illiterate Grecians the Alphabet. These funny letters were to eventually take
hold and universalise, giving rise to yet another myth that correlate Lebanon
with the Iliad. Lebanon never looked back
since; well perhaps once or twice ok maybe more!
How can you go from to this
Over the last 3000 years, Lebanese history has
proved to be less legendary. The
Phoenicians have long gone replaced instead with a hotchpotch of culture and
communities that are not too dissimilar to the rest of the neighbouring Semitic
race. The one exception being almost one
half of the population Hellenised Christian Maronite majority, others belong to
the Greek orthodox faith and some sprinkling of other Christian minorities. The
other half of the population is made up of almost 80 per cent Muslim Shia and
Sunni sects, 60 and 40 per cent respectively, and the remaining minority, but
powerful voices, are the Druze. These
proportions maybe disputed but the important point to make here is there are
many different ideologies and minds to please.
With this in the background I will attempt to
navigate this web of socio-political terrain in an attempt to decipher the
intricacies, custom and overall patriarchal approach of loyalty to the
state. First and foremost we must
remember that Lebanon has a Parliament where voices are heard but lacks the
ultimate power to make effective legislation.
It makes enough loud noises but the power of Lebanese politics belongs
within the dogma of patriarchal directives irrespective of religious
affiliations. For some thinkers, this
belies the West’s suspicion that Islam’s ethos is paradoxically opposed to
individualism and democracy. A teleological view of parliament’s principles
tells us nothing of the internal ideological but at times spilling out into
personal animosities. Parliament may nevertheless rule over a cohesive
territorial unity but that is the limit of that cohesion and does not extend to
the minds and consciousness or nationalistic intrinsic natures. This has double
effect of obfuscating the real policies but instead it lends its hand to
political theatre. Issues of current
events that are central to Lebanese society itself, encouraging conscious
change is obliterated by bickering and jostling for positions along personal
and subjective mores.
Real power belongs to the family
through the cultural mind set of patriarchal authority. The family is the primary agent for
ideological transmission. Arab political culture
identifies primarily with extended family loyalty on tribal basis than with a
nation. The family as reflected into the
political arena hinges on custom, tradition and honour rather than creativity
or innovation. Each tribe develops its
own sense of affiliations and loyalty. Along
in the rest of the Arab world this marginalises individual freedom, liberty and
true democratic values. Instead it
provides the basis for segmentary communities to take hold and for its elites
to take charge. Their separate
ideologies to save family “honour” does not allow for tolerance or compromise
which invariably lead to stalemate and therefore weakness of government. The pull by religious and tribal leaders has
been the mainstay for indecision and political incompatibility. Hence the power behind the “throne” is
the neighbouring countries such as Syria, Saudi Arabia and, by coercion,
Israel. An unfortunate venal
administration weakened further by their avaricious tendencies for personal
gain. The end
result is a “composite” state made up from separate communities with separate
ideologies. Without overcoming the heavy
weight of ideological beliefs that have colonized the Lebanese people, they
cannot hope for true freedom.
As agents of what at times severe political
disharmony the Christian patriarchs become the expendable political pawns
serving other purposes but theirs. The
naivety of Christian power is their weakness.
The belligerence of Islamic radicalism is at times further ignited by
this show of force. In my opinion
Christian leadership should be the catalyst for reform striving for real and
reasoned attempts to win hearts and minds irrespective of religious
affiliations.
Lebanon is pivoted at the sharp end of ideological
reform by whatever guise that ideology is dressed up in. In contrast to Istanbul being the traditional
gateway of East and West Beirut is the traditional cosmopolitan hub of eclectic
ideological traditions. There has to be
a clear sense of state and nationhood building to replace the old and some
assume, hitherto useful cape of patriarchal authority. The Lebanese sit on both sides of
societies. Rejuvenation of the inner
proletariat is long overdue but still time in hand to choose from a thriving
Hellenic western society or primitive and increasingly alien and failing Arab
society. The former, where innovation
and ideas set its agenda and the latter suffers from lack of evolution and
worse currently spearheaded by its confrontation with imperialist western
powers. With increasing strength of
neighbouring influences adding to Lebanon’s future uncertainties Lebanon needs
to revitalise and shed its subversive pockets of radicalism. It must regain the courage of its conviction
to edge away from the precipice of oblivion, to borrow from the discipline of
history in building and honouring a Nation; as Athens was, virtuous in its
beliefs and faithful to its persuasions.
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